Expected Reading Comprehension Questions
New Pattern Reading Comprehension for SBI PO/Clerk. Welcome to the www.letsstudytogether.co online English section. If you are preparing for SBI PO/Clerk & NABARD Grade A 2018 exam, you will come across a section on the English language. Here we are providing you New Pattern Reading Comprehension for SBI Clerk, IDBI Executive, and NABARD Grade A, based on the latest pattern of your daily practice.
Important Reading Comprehension Questions for SBI PO will help you learn concepts on important topics in English Section. This “New Pattern Reading Comprehension Questions “ is also important for other banking exams such as SBI Clerk, IDBI Executive and Syndicate PO, IBPS PO, IBPS Clerk, SBI Clerk, IBPS RRB Officer, IBPS RRB Office Assistant, IBPS SO, SBI SO and other competitive exams.
New Pattern Reading Comprehension for SBI PO 2018 | Set – 64
Directions:(1-10) Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Fifteen years after communism was officially pronounced dead, its spectre seems once again to be haunting Europe. Last month, the Council of Europe’s parliamentary assembly voted to condemn the “crimes of totalitarian communist regimes”, linking them with Nazism and complaining that communist parties are still “legal and active in some countries”. Now Göran Lindblad, the conservative Swedish MP behind the resolution, wants to go further. Demands that European ministers launch a continent-wide anti-communist campaign – including school textbook revisions, official memorial days and museums – only narrowly missed the necessary two-thirds majority. Yesterday, declaring himself delighted at the first international condemnation of this “evil ideology”, Lindblad pledged to bring the wider plans back to the Council of Europe in the coming months.
He has chosen a good year for his ideological offensive: this is the 50th anniversary of Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin and the subsequent Hungarian uprising, which will doubtless be the cue for further excoriation of the communist record. Paradoxically, given that there is no communist government left in Europe outside Moldova, the attacks have if anything become more extreme as time has gone on. A clue as to why that might be can be found in the rambling report by Mr. Lindblad that led to the Council of Europe declaration. Blaming class struggle and public ownership, he explained that “different elements of communist ideology such as equality or social justice still seduce many” and “a sort of nostalgia for communism is still alive”. Perhaps the real problem for Mr Lindblad and his rightwing allies in eastern Europe is that communism is not dead enough – and they will only be content when they have driven a stake through its heart.
The fashionable attempt to equate communism and Nazism is in reality a moral and historical nonsense. Despite the cruelties of the Stalin terror, there was no Soviet Treblinka or Sobibor, no extermination camps built to murder millions. Nor did the Soviet Union launch the most devastating war in history at a cost of more than 50 million lives – in fact it played the decisive role in the defeat of the German war machine. Mr. Lindblad and the Council of Europe adopt as fact the wildest estimates of those “killed by communist regimes” (mostly in famines) from the fiercely contested Black Book of Communism, which also underplays the number of deaths attributable to Hitler. But in any case, none of this explains why anyone might be nostalgic in former communist states, now enjoying the delights of capitalist restoration. The dominant account gives no sense of how communist regimes renewed themselves after 1956 or why western leaders feared they might overtake the capitalist world well into the 1960s. For all its brutalities and failures, communism in the Soviet Union, eastern Europe and elsewhere delivered rapid industrialisation, mass education, job security and huge advances in social and gender equality. It encompassed genuine idealism and commitment, captured even by critical films and books of the post-Stalin era such as Wajda’s Man of Marble and Rybakov’s Children of the Arbat. Its existence helped to drive up welfare standards in the west, boosted the anticolonial movement and provided a powerful counterweight to western global domination.
It would be easier to take the Council of Europe’s condemnation of communist state crimes seriously if it had also seen fit to denounce the far bloodier record of European colonialism – which only finally came to an end in the 1970s. This was a system of racist despotism, which dominated the globe in Stalin’s time. And while there is precious little connection between the ideas of fascism and communism, there is an intimate link between colonialism and Nazism. The terms lebensraum and konzentrationslager were both first used by the German colonial regime in south-west Africa (now Namibia), which committed genocide against the Herero and Nama peoples and bequeathed its ideas and personnel directly to the Nazi party.
Around 10 million Congolese died as a result of Belgian forced labour and mass murder in the early 20th century; tens of millions perished in avoidable or enforced famines in British-ruled India; up to a million Algerians died in their war for independence, while controversy now rages in France about a new law requiring teachers to put a positive spin on colonial history. Comparable atrocities were carried out by all European colonialists, but not a word of condemnation from the Council of Europe – nor over the impact of European intervention in the third world since decolonisation. Presumably, European lives count for more.
No major twentieth century political tradition is without blood on its hands, but battles over history are more about the future than the past. Part of the current enthusiasm in official western circles for dancing on the grave of communism is no doubt about relations with today’s Russia and China. But it also reflects a determination to prove there is no alternative to the new global capitalist order – and that any attempt to find one is bound to lead to suffering and bloodshed. With the new imperialism now being resisted in both the Muslim world and Latin America, growing international demands for social justice and ever greater doubts about whether the environmental crisis can be solved within the existing economic system, the pressure for political and social alternatives will increase.
1. Among all the apprehensions that Mr. Goran Lindblad expresses against communism, which one gets admitted, although indirectly, by the author?
A. There is nostalgia for communist ideology even if communism has been abandoned by most European nations.
B. Notions of social justice inherent in communist ideology appeal to critics of existing systems.
C. Communist regimes were totalitarian and marked by brutalities and large scale violence.
D. Communist ideology is faulted because communist regimes resulted in economic failures.
E. The existing economic order is wrongly viewed as imperialistic by proponents of communism.
2. What, according to the author, is the real reason for a renewed attack against communism?
A. Disguising the unintended consequences of the current economic order such as social injustice and environmental crisis.
B. Idealizing the existing ideology of global capitalism.
C. Making communism a generic representative of all historical atrocities, especially those perpetrated by the European imperialists.
D. Communism still survives, in bits and pieces, in the minds and hearts of people.
E. Renewal of some communist regimes has led to the apprehension that communist nations might overtake the capitalists.
3. The author cites examples of atrocities perpetrated by European colonial regimes in order to-
A. Compare the atrocities committed by colonial regimes with those of communist regimes.
B. Prove that the atrocities committed by colonial regimes were more than those of communist regimes.
C. Prove that, ideologically, communism was much better than colonialism and Nazism.
D. Neutralize the arguments of Mr. Lindblad and to point out that the atrocities committed by colonial regimes were more than those of communist regimes.
E. Neutralise the arguments of Mr. Lindblad and to argue that one needs to go beyond and look at the motives of these regimes.
4. Why, according to the author, is Nazism closer to colonialism than it is to communism?
A. Both colonialism and Nazism were examples of tyranny of one race over another
B. The genocides committed by the colonial and the Nazi regimes were or similar magnitude
C. Several ideas of the Nazi regime were directly imported from colonial regimes
D. Both colonialism and Nazism are based on the principles of imperialism
E. While communism was never limited to Europe, both the Nazis and the colonialists originated in Europe.
5. Which of the following cannot be inferred as a compelling reason for the silence of the Council of Europe on colonial atrocities?
A. The Council of Europe being dominated by erstwhile colonialists
B. Generating support for condemning communist ideology
C. Unwillingness to antagonize allies by raking up an embarrassing past
D. Portraying both communism and Nazism as ideologies to be condemned
E. Greater value seemingly placed on European lives.
6. Which of the following undermines the author’s thesis that the current attempts to equate Nazism and communism are not defensible?
A. Communist equivalents of the camps of Treblinka or Sorbibor did not exist
B. Nazi Germany initiated a war which led to the loss of millions of lives
C. Extermination caps were not build in the soviet Union to eliminate large numbers
D. Casualty figures in communist regimes are exaggerated but as treated as factural
E. None of these.
7. Choose the word/group of words which is most OPPOSITE in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in passage. Excoriation
8. Choose the word/group of words which is most SIMILAR in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in passage. Denounce
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