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Important Reading Comprehension for SBI Clerk: Set – 54
Directions:(1-10) Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions. Certain words are in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.
1. Why is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi not taking a firm stand on Rohingya crisis?
(I) because she is keen to maintain her electoral vote bank
(II) because she agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of the large part of Myanmar’s electorate
(III) as she doesn’t want to be seen as a puppet of the foreigners
A. Only (I)
B. Only (III)
C. Both (II) and (III)
D. Both (I) and (III)
E. None is true
2.Why do the people of Myanmar prefer economic performance to democracy?
A. so that they could enjoy better quality of life and secure their future.
B. as they are skeptical about the rate of economic growth shown by different agencies/reports
C. because they don’t want to focus on the complex peace restoring process.
D. because they don’t want to be a part of the struggle against the ill- treatment of people by Tatmadaw.
E. All of these
3.The military (the Tatmadaw) is castigating its power to exploit innocent citizens of Myanmar. Explain.
A. as they constitute around a quarter of seats in the parliament, so they end up holding utmost power in all spheres of government
B. as they control ministeries of home affairs, defense, border affairs, etc
C. as they are damaging the socio-economic status of the common people of Myanmar
D. as it is raising a threat to the political and security situations of the country.
E. as their rampage in the Rakhine state has led to the departure of large number of people to the refugee camps in Bangladesh
4. How deracination of large number of Rohingyas affected the mood of the international community towards the government of Myanmar?
A. it has created an uproar in the international media about the future of Myanmar
B. investors are becoming conscious day by day about the gloomy economic slowdown
C. investors are restructuring the FDI policies in view of the instability existing in Myanmar
D. it has caught huge sympathy from the different quarters of the world
E. investment is now at risk due to the growing human crisis in Myanmar
5. Which of the following statements is/are NOT TRUE in the context of the passage?
A. The Tatmadaw has indirectly got all the rights to curb, crush and demolish Rohingyas
B. National League for Democracy (NLD) government is trying to hold absolute power in order to restore peace in Myanmar
C. National League for Democracy (NLD) government is trying to overlook the ill treatment of Rohingyas by the military
D. The Tatmadaw consider themselves as the guarantor of the Bamar elites.
E. None of these.
6.Choose the word/group of words which is most similar in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage. Lambasting
A. inure
B. revile
C. neglect
D. onerous
E. profligate
7.Choose the word/group of words which is most similar in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage. Revealed
A. intimation
B. inimical
C. fatuous
D. divulge
E. instigate
8. Choose the word/group of words which is most similar in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage. Rampage
A. Umbrage
B. rescind
C. toady
D. truculent
E. berserk
9. Choose the word/group of words which is most OPPOSITE in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage. Revelation
A. punctilious
B. upbraid
C. camouflage
D. recalcitrant
E. plethora
10. Choose the word/group of words which is most OPPOSITE in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage. Perceived
A. relieve
B. portent
C. abscond
D. neglect
E. abstruse